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National Housing Institute;
This report summarizes how McCormack Baron Salazar, a development firm, and its nonprofit subsidiary, Urban Strategies, involved residents in an 18-month redevelopment of New Orleans' C.J. Peete public housing complex after Hurricane Katrina. The National Housing Institute report takes an up-close look at how those charged with redeveloping the public housing development worked with residents throughout the process -- and what they learned along the way.
Earth Policy Institute;
Those of us who track the effects of global warming had assumed that the first large flow of climate refugees would likely be in the South Pacific with the abandonment of Tuvalu or other low-lying islands. We were wrong. The first massive movement of climate refugees has been that of people away from the Gulf Coast of the United States. Hurricane Katrina, which made landfall in late August 2005, forced a million people from New Orleans and the small towns on the Mississippi and Louisiana coasts to move inland either within state or to neighboring states, such as Texas and Arkansas. Although nearly all planned to return, many have not. Unlike in previous cases, when residents typically left areas threatened by hurricanes and returned when authorities declared it was safe to do so, many of these evacuees are finding new homes. In this respect, the U.S. hurricane season of 2005 was different. Record-high temperatures in the Gulf of Mexico surface waters helped make Hurricane Katrina the most financially destructive hurricane ever to make landfall anywhere. In some Mississippi Gulf Coast towns, Katrina's powerful 28-foot-high storm surge (8.5 meters) did not leave a single structure standing. There was nothing for evacuees to return to. The destruction of housing and infrastructure in St. Bernard Parish, a low-lying 40-mile-long peninsula (64 kilometers) extending southeast from New Orleans, rendered most of it uninhabitable. The Katrina storm surge that raised the water level in Lake Pontchartrain so high that it breached the levees and flooded New Orleans left much of the city unfit to live in. Even today, a year later, large parts of the city are without basic infrastructure services such as water, power, sewage disposal, garbage collection, and telecommunications. Interestingly, the country to suffer the most damage from a hurricane is also primarily responsible for global warming. Many evacuees were able to return in a matter of days, but many more were not. New Orleans' population before Katrina struck was 463,000. Claritas, a private demographic data-gathering and analysis firm, reported that after the hurricane New Orleans' population shrank to 93,000. By January 2006, it had recovered to 174,000. By July 2006, the city still had only 214,000 residents, less than half of its pre-Katrina population. Three Louisiana coastal parishes (counties) also registered substantial population declines. The population of St. Bernard Parish plummeted from 66,000 residents to 15,000 in July 2006. South of New Orleans, the population of Plaquemines Parish declined from 29,000 to 20,000. Densely populated Jefferson Parish, also bordering New Orleans on the south, dropped from 453,000 to 411,000, a loss of 42,000. Mississippi's three coastal counties each lost population. The July tabulation showed Hancock County had lost 8,000 residents. Harrison County, which includes the town of Gulfport, lost 12,000, and Jackson County 4,000. (See data at http://www.earthpolicy.org/Updates/2006/Update57_data.htm)
Interfaith Worker Justice;
A report by Interfaith Worker Justice and Good Jobs First as part of the Gulf Coast Commission on Reconstruction Equity.
The Gulf Coast Commission on Reconstruction Equity has brought together both local and national people of faith, contracting specialists, academics, community and labor advocates to:
Evaluate the Gulf Coast cleanup and rebuilding contracts and promote ethical contracting standards and incentive packages, including hiring local and minority contractors.Promote strong labor standards, including enforcing prevailing wages, overtime,and health and safety laws.Support public policy options to expedite job training and apprenticeships, firstsource hiring and housing for people displaced and disenfranchised by Hurricanes
Katrina, Rita and Wilma.
Interfaith Worker Justice;
The Report Card from the Good Work and Fair Contracts: Making Gulf Coast Reconstruction Work for Local Residents and Businesses
From research conducted by Interfaith Worker Justice and Good Jobs
First as part of the Gulf Coast Commission on Reconstruction Equity, February 28, 2006.
Interfaith Worker Justice;
When Hurricane Katrina battered New Orleans in August of 2005 and thousands were left stranded in the city, the winds exposed New Orleans' twin plagues of poverty and racism.
New Orleans is the face of preventable exploitation. As this report illustrates, the DOL has been ill-equipped to deal with the scale and spread of employer lawlessness that has overtaken the Gulf Coast. Therefore, IWJ is creating the Interfaith Worker Justice Center of New Orleans (IWJ-NOLA) with the mission to respect work, rebuild community and restore hope. In tandem with the religious community and allies from organized labor, IWJ calls on the DOL to collaborate with IWJ-NOLA to empower workers, promote fair and legal labor practices, and work for good jobs for all workers, including those who have not been able to return to their city.
Feeding America (formerly America's Second Harvest);
This report presents information on the clients and agencies served by the Second Harvest Food Bank of Greater New Orleans and Acadiana. The information is drawn from a national study, Hunger in America 2006, conducted for America's Second Harvest (A2H), the nation's largest organization of emergency food providers. The national study is based on completed in-person interviews with more than 52,000 clients served by the A2H food bank network, as well as on completed questionnaires from more than 30,000 A2H agencies. The study summarized below focuses mainly on emergency food providers and their clients who are supplied with food by food banks in the A2H network.
Key Findings: The A2H system served by the Second Harvest Food Bank of Greater New
Orleans and Acadiana provides food for an estimated 248,700 different people
annually.31% of the members of households served by the Second Harvest Food Bank of
Greater New Orleans and Acadiana are children under 18 years old (Table 5.3.2).35% of client households include at least one employed adult (Table 5.7.1).Among client households with children, 73% are food insecure and 30% are
experiencing hunger (Table 6.1.1).44% of clients served by the Second Harvest Food Bank of Greater New Orleans
and Acadiana report having to choose between paying for food and paying for
utilities or heating fuel (Table 6.5.1).47% of clients had to choose between paying for food and paying for medicine or medical
care (Table 6.5.1).30% of households served by the Second Harvest Food Bank of Greater New
Orleans and Acadiana report having at least one household member in poor health
(Table 8.1.1)The Second Harvest Food Bank of Greater New Orleans and Acadiana included
approximately 297 agencies at the administration of this survey, of which 210 have
responded to the agency survey. Of the responding agencies, 154 had at least one
food pantry, soup kitchen, or shelter.74% of pantries, 87% of kitchens, and 66% of shelters are run by faith-based
agencies affiliated with churches, mosques, synagogues, and other religious
organizations (Table 10.6.1).71% of pantries, 87% of kitchens, and 56% of shelters of the Second Harvest Food
Bank of Greater New Orleans and Acadiana reported that there had been an
increase since 2001 in the number of clients who come to their emergency food
program sites (Table 10.8.1).Food banks are by far the single most important source of food for the agencies,
accounting for 83% of the food used by pantries, 36% of kitchens' food, and 37%
of shelters' food (Table 13.1.1).For the Second Harvest Food Bank of Greater New Orleans and Acadiana, 89% of
pantries, 85% of kitchens, and 82% of shelters use volunteers (Table 13.2.1).
Great Lakes Center for Education Research and Practice;
A recent report from the Reason Foundation argues for significant changes in how public education is organized and delivered in large cities. The report argues that city schools should move toward a "portfolio" of schools model. In such a model, the district does not necessarily operate schools, but instead focuses on closing low-performing schools and opening new ones under the management of autonomous people or corporations. The report cites improvements in student achievement in New Orleans that have accompanied a substantial shift in the city towards charter and autonomous schools. However, the heavy reliance on New Orleans is a significant weakness in this report, as there are myriad reasons unrelated to the portfolio approach that likely explain some or all of the gains, including substantial population shift of low-income children post-Hurricane Katrina and a significant increase in resources. The findings from New Orleans are supplemented by examples from other cities, but these examples and other arguments throughout the report rest not on systematic research but instead on carefully selected examples intended to support a particular perspective.
Feeding America (formerly America's Second Harvest);
This report presents information on the clients and agencies served by Second Harvest Food Bank GNOA. The information is drawn from a national study, Hunger in America 2010, conducted in 2009 for Feeding America (FA) (formerly America's Second Harvest), the nation's largest organization of emergency food providers. The national study is based on completed inperson interviews with more than 62,000 clients served by the FA national network, as well as on completed questionnaires from more than 37,000 FA agencies. The study summarized below focuses on emergency food providers and their clients who are supplied with food by food banks in the FA network.
The FA system served by Second Harvest Food Bank GNOA provides emergency food for an estimated 262,800 different people annually.31% of the members of households served by Second Harvest Food Bank GNOA are children under 18 years old (Table 5.3.2).23% of households include at least one employed adult (Table 5.7.1).Among households with children, 69% are food insecure and 29% are food insecure with very low food security (Table 18.104.22.168).47% of clients served by Second Harvest Food Bank GNOA report having to choose between paying for food and paying for utilities or heating fuel (Table 6.5.1).28% had to choose between paying for food and paying for medicine or medical care (Table 6.5.1).30% of households served by Second Harvest Food Bank GNOA report having at least one household member in poor health (Table 8.1.1)Second Harvest Food Bank GNOA included approximately 217 agencies at the administration of this survey, of which 157 have responded to the agency survey. Of the responding agencies, 138 had at least one food pantry, soup kitchen, or shelter.66% of pantries, 62% of kitchens, and 48% of shelters are run by faith-based agencies affiliated with churches, mosques, synagogues, and other religious organizations (Table 10.6.1).Among programs that existed in 2006, 80% of pantries, 74% of kitchens, and 58% of shelters of Second Harvest Food Bank GNOA reported that there had been an increase since 2006 in the number of clients who come to their emergency food program sites (Table 10.8.1).Food banks are by far the single most important source of food for agencies with emergency food providers, accounting for 83% of the food distributed by pantries, 54% of the food distributed by kitchens, and 36% of the food distributed by shelters (Table 13.1.1).As many as 95% of pantries, 93% of kitchens, and 88% of shelters in Second Harvest Food Bank GNOA use volunteers (Table 13.2.1).
Urban League of Greater New Orleans;
Over the past 10 years, tremendous progress has been made in New Orleans. But on our road to recovery, have we reproduced some of the same inequities that existed prior to the storm and impeded people's ability to quickly recover? The wealth gap continues to widen between African Americans and Whites, too many of us are paying unaffordable housing costs, Black men are still targeted and disproportionately represented in the criminal justice system, and health disparities continue to threaten the well-being of African Americans in the city. Are we seizing this opportunity to transform the city into a better version of itself, one in which all its residents can prosper and thrive?
The "State of Black New Orleans: 10 Years Post Katrina" hopes to answer these questions (and more) through its analysis of the impact of post-Katrina recovery on the African American community. The publication also offers recommendations to address noted disparities impacting the African American community and to transform the systems that allow these disparities to persist. After all, New Orleans cannot thrive if African Americans, who are the majority of the city's residents, are not thriving as well.
Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation;
Ten years after Hurricane Katrina battered the Gulf Coast and the subsequent levee failure led to unprecedented destruction in New Orleans, the Kaiser Family Foundation teamed up with NPR to conduct a survey of the city's current residents. This work builds on three previous surveys conducted by the Foundation in 2006, 2008, and 2010, as well as a survey of Katrina evacuees in Houston shelters conducted in partnership with the Washington Post in September 2005. The new survey examines how those who are currently living in Orleans Parish feel about the progress the city has made and the lingering challenges it faces, including those brought about by Katrina and those that pre-date the storm.
Overall, the survey paints a portrait of a city whose residents are remarkably optimistic, resilient, and proud of their city's culture. On many fronts, residents' reports of conditions in their own neighborhoods and their evaluations of the city's progress in recovery have improved steadily over the 10-year period since the storm. But in this city where racial disparities in income and employment existed long before Katrina, the survey finds that most of these improvements have been unevenly distributed by race. African Americans continue to lag far behind whites, both in their perceptions of how much progress has been made and in the rates at which they report continuing struggles.
Getty Foundation, The;
When Hurricane Katrina struck the Louisiana coast on August 29, 2005, the urban fabric of New Orleans was devastated, including a large number of its arts organizations and historic sites. Along with the physical damage to collections and structures caused by the storm, organizations were faced with the fact that post-Katrina New Orleans would be a very different place, one with a changed demographic and far less tourism, and thus business as usual was not going to be possible. The Getty Foundation was among the first institutions to step in and help, establishing a special fund to revitalize the city's cultural institutions as they recovered from the impact of the hurricane.
A decade after Katrina, the Getty Foundation completed a study of the impact of its Fund for New Orleans. One of the key findings of our report is that all of the institutions that received Getty grants have survived, and most are thriving ten years later. Overall the outcomes of the Foundation's support in this area demonstrate that relatively small grants in the face of a disaster of that magnitude, if well designed and executed, can make a difference.
Greater New Orleans Foundation;
Stand Up for Our Children (Stand Up) is a grant initiative of the Greater New Orleans Foundation (GNOF), made possible through funding by the W.K. Kellogg Foundation Civic Engagement Innovation Fund (Kellogg), to support the work of organizations in New Orleans focused on engaging parents of children between the ages of zero and five. This initiative is based on a belief (shared by both GNOF and Kellogg) that solutions to community issues and problems emanate from local citizens working individually and collectively toward the common good and that people have the inherent capacity to solve their own problems.
In turn, Stand Up empowers parents/families in the community to improve the conditions facing the region's most vulnerable children. This initiative funds nonprofit organizations committed to inclusion, innovation, and impact in solving systemic early childhood problems through engagement by parents/families and others in the community through dialogue, issue identification, leadership development, collaboration, data driven planning and community mobilization.
The expected outcome of this initiative is two-fold:
More engaged parents advocating for vulnerable children 0-5 years old, andStrengthened nonprofits through organizational capacity buildingThe original objective of the Year One evaluation of the Stand Up for Our Children initiative was to assess:
to what extent participation in the Stand Up initiative yielded an increase in the capacity of parents to be leaders, andwhether there was an increase in the funded organization's capacity to engage parents.