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National Coalition for the Homeless;
This report is the National Coalition for the Homeless' (NCH) fourth report on the criminalization of homelessness and the National Law Center on Homelessness & Poverty's (NLCHP) eighth report on the topic. The report documents the top 20 worst offenders of 2005, as well as initiatives in some cities that are more constructive approaches to the issue of people living in public spaces. The report includes the results of a survey of laws and practices in 224 cities around the country, as well as a survey of lawsuits from various jurisdictions in which those measures have been challenged.
Presents a case study of South Africa's first public interest law clearing house established to increase access to pro bono services of law firms and advocates. Outlines ProBono.Org's organization, strategies, and outcomes as well as emerging practices.
National Coalition for the Homeless;
The lack of available shelter space leaves many homeless persons with no choice but to struggle to survive on the streets of our cities. Unfortunately, the response has been for the cities to turn to the criminal justice system to respond to people living in public spaces. This trend includes measures that target homeless people by making it illegal to perform life-sustaining activities in public, usually including criminal penalties for violation of these laws. This document covers which cities are the meanest towards its homeless occupants, and what exactly the laws are that makes homelessness appear to be a criminal activity.
Human Rights Center at University of California at Berkeley;
Based on interviews with former detainees held in Afghanistan and Guantanamo Bay, attorneys, officials, and military personnel, details interrogation practices, conditions of incarceration, and their long-term effects. Urges a nonpartisan investigation.
Public Welfare Foundation;
Describes how foundations helped transform the district's juvenile justice system, replacing a large prison with a smaller facility designed for rehabilitation and development, and reduced recidivism using community-based alternatives. Outlines lessons.
McKinsey & Company;
Examines the structure, benefits, stakeholders, and potential for and economics of social impact bonds in the areas of homelessness and criminal justice, including meaningful savings, proven interventions, and capacity, with a focus on juvenile justice.
National Council on Crime and Delinquency;
Examines concerns with the role and performance of private prisons, including reports of abuse and neglect, low pay and limited training for staff, poor government oversight, and lack of cost savings and community economic benefit. Makes recommendations.
Labor/Community Strategy Center;
This report provides structural proposals to end the school-to-prison pipeline in the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD) and to build a national movement to stop the mass incarceration of Black and Latino Communities. It analyzes the LAUSD and the Los Angles School Police Department's (LASPD) citation and arrest patterns for the school years of 2011-2013 through the lens of race, gender, age, and neighborhood impacts.
Annie E. Casey Foundation;
In its 2011 report, "No Place for Kids: The Case for Reducing Juvenile Incarceration," the Annie E. Casey Foundation demonstrated that America's heavy reliance on juvenile incarceration is a failed strategy for addressing youth crime. Specifically, "No Place for Kids" showed that heavy reliance on correctional confinement exposes incarcerated youth to widespread maltreatment; results in alarming levels of recidivism; incarcerates children who do not pose significant threats to public safety; ignores the emergence of treatment models that produce better outcomes; wastes money with costs that often exceed $100,000 per young person per year; and fails to provide adequate mental health, educational, substance abuse and other services.
This report focuses on the first of these challenges, the widespread and persistent maltreatment of youth confined in America's juvenile corrections facilities. These facilities often go by euphemistic labels such as training school, reformatory, correctional center, etc., but are in essence youth prisons.
Both nationally and in the District of Columbia, boys have made up a vast majority of the juvenile justice population. Consequently, research, best practices, system reform efforts, and policies have been primarily based on the male population. In the past two decades, overall rates of youth involvement in the juvenile justice system have declined, yet the share of girls arrested, petitioned to court, placed on probation, and placed out of home has steadily increased. Due in part to a historical inattention to the unique drivers for girls into the juvenile justice system and the specific needs of justice-involved girls, jurisdictions around the country are seeing an increase in the rates of girls' involvement in the juvenile justice system. Over the past decade, Washington, D.C. (D.C.) has seen a significant increase in the share of girls in its juvenile justice system. This brief serves as a starting point to understand what is causing girls' increased contact with D.C.'s juvenile justice system, to highlight distinctions between girls' and boys' involvement in D.C.'s juvenile justice system, and to identify information gaps that must be addressed in order to reduce the number of system-involved girls and ensure that those girls who are already involved are receiving appropriate services and interventions. Major findings: Girls today make up a larger portion of system-involved youth than in previous years. » Over time, the proportion of 13 to 15-year-old girls entering the juvenile justice system has grown at the greatest rate. » Eighty-six percent of arrests of girls in D.C. are for non-violent, non-weapons related offenses. » In D.C., Black girls are significantly overrepresented in the juvenile justice system.
Sentencing Project, The;
This fact sheet, updated June 2017, provides a compilation of key developments in the criminal justice system over the past several decades.
Human Rights Watch;
In recent years, it has become increasingly evident that executed prisoners are the principal source of supply of body organs for medical transplantation purposes in China. While most observers would acknowledge the moral dilemmas implicit in this situation, the chronic shortage of voluntary organ donors around the world has led some to believe that such practices may still be justified: through their deaths, after all, condemned criminals can contribute to saving the lives of innocent victims of disease. Recent research by Human Rights Watch/Asia has uncovered, however, important new documentary and other evidence demonstrating that China's heavy reliance on executed prisoners as a source of transplant organs entails a wide range of unacceptable human rights and medical ethics violations.
In this report, Human Rights Watch/Asia calls on the Chinese government to ban all further use of prisoners' organs for transplant operations, provide precise statistical data on capital punishment and executions and comply with the United Nations' "Principles of Medical Ethics" relevant to the role of the medical profession in protecting prisoners against torture and other ill-treatment. It also calls on foreign governments, especially in the Asian region, to discourage or bar their citizens from obtaining organ transplants in China and on foreign funding agencies to adopt a policy of non-participation in all Chinese government-sponsored organ transplant-related research programs. It also calls on foreign medical and pharmaceutical companies which supply goods or services to China's transplant program to cease such activity until the Chinese authorities can demonstrate that executed prisoners' organs are no longer being used for transplant purposes.