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Pew Research Center;
Pew Research Center conducted this study to better understand Americans' attitudes about the Russian invasion of Ukraine as well as the Biden administration's response to the invasion. For this analysis, we surveyed 5,074 U.S. adults in May 2022. Everyone who took part in this survey is a member of the Center's American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This way nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories.
Human Trafficking Search;
A research guide produced by Human Trafficking Search for students and researchers interested in conducting preliminary research on the region in light of current conflict.
Human Rights Watch;
This report describes patterns of abuses against older people affected by armed conflict in Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Ethiopia, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Mali, Mozambique, Niger, South Sudan, Syria, and Ukraine. It also draws on the situation of serious protracted violence in two English-speaking regions of Cameroon, Myanmar security force atrocities against older ethnic Rohingya in Rakhine State, and the experiences of older refugees in Lebanon displaced by conflict in Syria. It also includes abuses against older people in the 2020 armed conflict in the ethnic-Armenian-majority enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh.
Institute for Economics & Peace;
On 24 February 2022, Russia launched an attack on Ukraine. Figure 1 highlights that the invasion comes after a decade of deteriorating relations between Russia, Ukraine and the West.This brief covers several aspects relating to the current Ukrainian war, including the frequency of past acts of terrorism in Russia, Ukraine and Georgia and covers likely future scenarios. It also analyses cyberattacks on Ukraine over the last decade and lead up to the current war.The main finding is that terrorism increases with the intensity of conflict. Both the Georgian conflict in 2008 and the Ukrainian conflict of 2014 saw substantial spikes in terrorist activity around the wars, and as the current war intensifies increased terrorist activity should be expected.Secondly, cyberattacks on Ukraine have markedly increased over the last decade, and especially in the months and weeks leading up to the war. Further, cyberattacks have the potential to unintentionally spill over into other countries because of global connectivity, the effects of which have been seen on numerous occasions. As cyberattacks by nefarious actors are a recent phenomenon, and given the difficulty in the attribution of such attacks, the demarcation between what constitutes a cyberattack, cyber warfare or cyber terrorism are unclear. Regardless, this briefing looks at the broad phenomena of cyberattacks in Ukraine to offer background on recent events.
International Panel of Experts on Sustainable Food Systems;
With the invasion of Ukraine sparking a third food price crisis in 15 years, a new IPES-Food special report, 'Another Perfect Storm?' takes stock of the critical factors fanning the flames of global hunger - and what can be done about them. World food prices continued to see record-breaking highs in April 2022, hitting food insecure countries and populations hard. Numbers of undernourished people could increase by 13 million this year. The special report blames fundamental flaws in global food systems - such as heavy reliance on food imports and excessive commodity speculation - for escalating food insecurity sparked by the Ukraine invasion. These flaws were exposed, but not corrected, after previous food price spikes in 2007-8.
James Martin Center of Nonproliferation Studies Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey;
This article examines the Senate debate regarding the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), traces a policy history of presidential administrations toward the CTBT since that debate, makes a case for why the U.S. should ratify the treaty, and recommends measures that may improve the prospects of U.S. ratification in the future. Following his election as the 46th President of the United States, Joe Biden – an outspoken advocate of the CTBT in the Senate – will have to decide whether to expend political capital on securing Senate advice and consent for the treaty. While the nuclear nonproliferation regime has seen many changes since the Senate last considered the CTBT in 1999, the debate over the treaty has remained remarkably static, with Republicans arguing that the treaty is unverifiable and threatens U.S. interests, and Democrats arguing that the treaty would lock in a U.S. testing advantage and strengthen U.S. global leadership. In examining the policy history of the treaty and making recommendations to facilitate U.S. ratification, this article seeks to reinvigorate the debate over the CTBT a quarter century after it first opened for signature.
On February 24, Russian president Vladimir Putin launched a brutal invasion of Ukraine. This war, which has already displaced millions of people and menaced the lives of millions more, presents an existential challenge not just to Ukraine's sovereignty, but also to the liberal international order. It comes at the time when liberal democracy's star has faded across the 29 countries covered in Nations in Transit. This edition of the report, assessing the events of 2021 from Central Europe to Central Asia, marks the 18th consecutive year of democratic decline for the region as a whole.Putin's war is the latest and gravest expression of his thuggish and malignant influence on neighboring states. When free societies have resisted his efforts to warp their media and corrupt their politicians, he has threatened or actually used military force, as in Georgia in 2008 and Ukraine in 2014. When authoritarian incumbents have teetered in the face of popular demands for change, he has backstopped their regimes and deepened their dependence on Moscow, as in Belarus or more recently in Kazakhstan. But the stakes of the current conflict are even higher. If the Kremlin succeeds in subjugating a sovereign, democratic Ukraine, it will mark the first time that an authoritarian power has overthrown a freely elected national government in the region since the end of the Cold War. Even if the effort fails, it has already destabilized the Nations in Transit region, potentially accelerating the steady antidemocratic transformation that has taken place across Europe and Eurasia.
James Martin Center of Nonproliferation Studies Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey;
Before the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the Biden administration insisted in arms control talks with Russia that a follow-on agreement to the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START) should cover all nuclear weapons and that such an agreement should focus on the nuclear warheads themselves. This would represent a significant change from previous agreements, which focused on delivery vehicles, such as missiles. The United States has been particularly interested in potential limits on nonstrategic nuclear warheads (NSNW). Such weapons have never been subject to an arms control agreement. Because Russia possesses an advantage in the number of such weapons, the US Senate has insisted that negotiators include them in a future agreement, making their inclusion necessary if such an accord is to win Senate approval and ultimately be ratified by Washington. In the wake of Russian nuclear threats in the Ukraine conflict, such demands can only be expected to grow if and when US and Russian negotiators return to the negotiating table.
Project HOPE's response to the Ukraine crisis continues to expand across the region, including a second shipment of medical supplies that is being delivered this week to a neonatal hospital in Kyiv. Meanwhile, Project HOPE is also expanding the capacity for a Ukranian non-governmental organization in Kyiv to purchase and transport medicines and medical supplies to civilian hospitals in the country. We continue to assess health needs across Ukraine, including in Lviv and Kyiv, and are working to establish transit routes to get medicines and medical supplies in.In Moldova, Project HOPE is procuring and delivering key medical supplies to the Ministry of Health to serve refugees. These supplies include an Interagency Emergency Health Kit (IEHK), hygiene kits, and Non-Food Items (NFIs). Our team is also assessing needs and contingency planning for health facilities in Poland as refugee numbers increase demand on the Polish health system.In Romania, Project HOPE is identifying local partners for Mental Health and Sexual Gender-Based Violence support for refugees. We are also sourcing hygiene kits, medical supplies, and medicines for transport into Ukraine as well as for the refugee population. Our team is also establishing a relationship with a key partner to send supplies into Odessa.Project HOPE will continue to closely monitor the situation as it unfolds in order to respond to the most pressing health and humanitarian needs among affected populations.
International Medical Corps;
On February 24, Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered a "special military operation" in Ukraine, leading to Europe's largest refugee crisis since World War II. Since the crisis began, at least 3,090 civilian casualties have been reported in the country, including 1,189 killed.In the five weeks since the invasion, there have been 82 confirmed attacks on healthcare facilities, as well as personnel, transport and warehouses. The destruction to Ukraine infrastructure has surpassed $119 billion in losses, including damage or destruction to nearly 8,000 kilometers of roads, railroads and rail stations, and airports. More than 831,000 Ukrainians remain without electricity, and 6 million have limited to no access to safe water.Though various oblasts throughout Ukraine have experienced devastating damage and losses, Mariupol remains the sole city that remains inaccessible to humanitarian aid. Access issues and security threats continue to prevent humanitarian convoys from delivering aid to the city, despite efforts to reach civilians for more than a month.Since the invasion, more than 4 million people have fled Ukraine. As of March 31, at least 2,336,799 people had crossed the border from Ukraine into Poland, 608,936 had entered Romania, 387,151 had entered Moldova, 364,804 had entered Hungary, 281,172 had entered Slovakia, 350,632 had fled to Russia and 10,902 had fled to Belarus.
The global economy is still recovering – modestly – from the pandemic and is now facing significant uncertainty over the ongoing Russia–Ukraine war. It is too early to tell the magnitude of the impacts, which will depend on the duration and the escalation of the war and on the corresponding regional and global responses (e.g. economic sanctions) against Russia. Estimates suggest that the ongoing war will reduce global output by 0.4 percentage point to 1 percentage point (pp) in 2022 (Juanino and Millard, 2022; OECD 2022; Peterson et al, 2022). This will amount to global costs between $380 billion and $950 billion in 2022.Global shocks can derail the growth and economic transformation trajectories of low- and middle-income countries (L&MICs). While this war is isolated to Russian and Ukraine territories, its impacts on L&MICs will be felt through various channels, such as disruptions in trade and upward pressure in global prices of products (e.g. oil, metals, wheat) of which Russia and/or Ukraine are major global suppliers. For instance, Brent crude oil prices went up by 11% between 25 February 2022 and 1 April 2022, while wheat prices increased by 30% during the same period. Such increase would occur in a context of already rising commodity prices. Global price indices increased for food (11%) and metals and minerals (12%) between December 2021 and February 2022 (World Bank, 2022).This paper quantifies the economic vulnerabilities of 118 L&MICs to the economic effects of the Russia–Ukraine war through different impact channels. In this paper, economic vulnerability to the war at country level is measured as the combination of direct economic exposure to Russia and Ukraine (e.g. through bilateral trade and investment, migrants) and indirect exposure to the global effects of the war (e.g. through levels of commodity imports, trade and investment openness, tourism), minus resilience (e.g. quality of economic governance, capacity for energy transition, food security) to manage the negative impact of shocks that may emerge from the war.
The Fletcher School, Tufts University;
Through the five conflict case studies, the report explores other arguments that make up this storytelling a la francaise. Two of its pillars are the idea that French export control processes are already "strict, transparent and responsible" enough as they are, and the proposition that weapons sales are an intrinsically essential support to the country's strategic autonomy and foreign policy interests. This latter priority include the crucial need to be a reliable long-term supplier and to sustain strategic partnerships often associated with such arms trade.