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Centre for Policy Studies;
The best practice examined in this paper is the Community Foundation for the Western Region of Zimbabwe's system of mobilising funds from rural communities to finance an endowment intended for community development. The case study is based on interviews with members of staff, the Board of Trustees and people involved in some of the projects that the foundation is funding. Staff from an associated organisation that was pivotal in the launch of the foundation have also been interviewed.
Graduate School of Business, University of Cape Town;
This monograph documents the results of a qualitative research inquiry conducted by the Building Community Philanthropy Project into the philanthropic impulse and behaviour of the poor. It documents the comparative findings across four countries - Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zimbabwe - into how and why people who are poor help each other. Describing the ethos of help among the poor, the monograph explores how philanthropy is organised - its purpose, rules of engagement, form and content, its actors and the motivations behind it.
United Religions Initiative;
Who are we? We are members of URI Cooperation Circles. Representing diverse backgrounds, traditions and life experiences, we have come together, at the Summer Peacebuilding Institute (SPI), to study and share, to help formulate practices for URI Peacebuilding.We've come to learn, to develop skills, to imagine and design effective programs for Peacebuilding for our Cooperation Circles and to share whatwe have learned with our colleagues. This booklet contains the stories of our journey to date -- stories of who we are, where we have come from, and whatwe are taking back to our CCs.
In this report,each of us has chosen to write from our own experience,in our own unique way -- about our personal spiritual journeys into interfaith peacebuilding or how our Cooperation Circle developed or what we will take home from our learnings at SPI.
United Religions Initiative;
The four community workshops described in this report were the final activities in a yearlong project to develop Interfaith peacebuilding skills for members in the global network of the United Religions Initiative (URI), sponsored by a grant from USIP. They were all created and produced by URI grass-roots leaders, who are members of local URI groups, called Cooperation Circles (CC) or clustered CC groups called Multi Cooperation Circles (MCC).
The hallmark of Zimbabwe's economic collapse is hyperinflation. The most recent official inflation figure is for February 2008: a whopping 165,000 percent year-over-year. At present (early June 2008), inflation is unofficially about 2.5 million percent a year. Not surprisingly, the Zimbabwe dollar has lost more than 99.9 percent of its value against the U.S. dollar during the past year.
Zimbabwe's hyperinflation is destroying the economy, pushing more of its inhabitants into poverty, and forcing millions of Zimbabweans to emigrate. Between 1997 and 2007, cumulative inflation was nearly 3.8 billion percent, while living standards fell by 38 percent.
The source of Zimbabwe's hyperinflation is the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe's money machine. The government spends, and the RBZ finances the spending by printing money. The RBZ has no ability in practice to resist the government's demands for cash. Accordingly, the RBZ cannot hope to regain credibility anytime soon. To stop hyperinflation, Zimbabwe needs to immediately adopt a different monetary system.
Any one of three options can rapidly slash the inflation rate and restore stability and growth to the Zimbabwean economy. First is "dollarization." This option would replace the discredited Zimbabwe dollar with a foreign currency, such as the U.S. dollar or the South African rand. Second is a currency board. Under that system, the Zimbabwe dollar would be credible because it would be fully backed by a foreign reserve currency and would be freely convertible into the reserve currency at a fixed rate on demand. Third is free banking. This option would allow commercial banks to issue their own private notes and other liabilities with minimum government regulation.
Central banking is the only monetary system that has ever created hyperinflation and instability in Zimbabwe. Prior to central banking, Zimbabwe had a rich monetary experience in which a free banking system and a currency board system performed well. It is time for Zimbabwe to adopt one of these proven monetary systems and discard its failed experiment with central banking.
In the late 1990s, the government of Zimbabwe held a conference on land reform in Zimbabwe. The government, the interested parties (including the farmers), and international aid agencies reached a broad agreement. That agreement, however, was never implemented. In 2000, in an attempt to destroy the opposition, which derived much support from the commercial farmers and their employees, the government began what it eventually called the "Fast Track Land Reform" exercise.
On March 29, 2008, Zimbabwe will hold presidential and parliamentary elections. Few people believe that they will be free and fair or that Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African National Union -- Patriotic Front party will fail to return to office.
That is a tragedy, because Mugabe and his cronies are chiefly responsible for an economic meltdown that has turned one of Africa's most prosperous countries into a country with one of the lowest life expectancies in the world. Since 1994, the average life expectancy in Zimbabwe has fallen from 57 years to 34 years for women and from 54 years to 37 years for men. Some 3,500 Zimbabweans die every week from the combined effects of HIV/AIDS, poverty, and malnutrition. Half a million Zimbabweans may have died already. There is no freedom of speech or assembly in Zimbabwe, and the state has used violence to intimidate and murder its opponents.
At the root of Zimbabwe's problems is a corrupt political elite that has, with considerable international support, behaved with utter impunity for some two decades. This elite is determined to hang on to power no matter what the consequences, lest it be held to account for the genocide in Matabeleland in the early 1980s and the wholesale looting of Zimbabwe that followed the mismanaged land reform in 2000.
When change comes to Zimbabwe, the nation will have to rediscover the rule of law and the sanctity of persons and property. The public discourse and the economy will have to be reopened. The new government will have to embrace a more limited idea of government and rescind legislation that makes the operation of the private sector next to impossible. Moreover, the new government will have to find a way for the people of Zimbabwe to heal the wounds caused by decades of political violence.
Population Services International;
Explore youth's definitions of "trust"Establish criteria youth use to determine the trustworthiness of partnersIdentify types of individuals youth believe they can and cannot "trust"Examine trust's influence on sexual decision-making and STI/HIV risk perceptionIdentify how sexual partners violate trust and the effects on sexual decision-making
Data were collected in October 2001 as part of a regional Behavior Change Communication (BCC) strategy in East and Southern Africa. Country programs chose to participate in research based on project priorities and levels of interest in participating in a regional BCC strategy. Four county programs agreed to collect and share data, Eritrea, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.
A total of 33 focus groups were conducted. Research teams in each country used the same discussion guide and pretested the guide prior to data collection. Discussion groups lasted between an hour and an hour and a half, were audiotaped, and transcribed into English. Each research team conducted two discussion groups in the major urban area composed of the following strata: males 15-19 years, females 15-19 years, males 20-24 years, and females 20-24 years. The Zambia program conducted one additional focus group with males aged 15-19.
Explore youth's definition of "trust" and criteria used to determine trustworthiness
The major components of trust did not vary greatly across countries. Youth in all countries placed a high value on sexual fidelity and its role in trusted partnerships. Youth believed that partners met through family or friends are more trustworthy than those met in bars or nightclubs. In addition, youth in all countries expressed that trusted partners must pass informal assessments, dress appropriately, demonstrate appropriate social conduct, talk sweetly to each other, come from the right neighborhood, meet one another's family, be punctual for appointments/dates, and remain emotionally committed to one another. Eritrean youth appeared to place greater importance on the roles that religion, virginity, and marriage (or intent to marry) play in establishing trust than youth from other countries.
Differences in criteria for trust were more apparent by gender. In terms of testing partners' trustworthiness, females discussed passive ways of questioning partners, while males discussed elaborate methods for entrapping females in lies. Males were concerned with partners' sexual reputation and appearance. Females were primarily concerned with partners' emotional commitment, willingness to accept responsibility for pregnancies, and ability to display affection in public in order to demonstrate intimacy and trust.
Identify types of individuals youth believe they can and cannot "trust"
Across countries, youth place prospective partners into groups that can and cannot be trusted according to key attributes and behaviors. Similar to the findings above, most participants said that youth that come from good families, are well respected in the community, are religious, do not drink, avoid bars and nightclubs, and are faithful can be trusted. Youth believe that they cannot trust anyone outside of committed, monogamous relationships. Male participants added that virgins can be trusted.
Examine trust's influence on sexual decision-making and STI/HIV risk perception
Youth do not appear to take effective preventive measures with trusted partners. Trust can blind them to their risk for STIs/HIV and render them unwilling to explore partners' sexual histories. Sex usually occurs early in relationships and condom use remains low. When youth use condoms, they are more likely to incorporate them into casual than trusted relationships, or use them for pregnancy prevention rather than protection from STIs/HIV. Condoms are usually abandoned once relationships appear to be serious and partners fail to show signs or symptoms of STIs or HIV infection. There were few differences in risk perception and risk behavior across countries; however, male participants in Zambia reported that they discuss their sexual histories, while participants from other countries said that couples rarely discuss their sexual histories.
Identify how sexual partners violate trust and the effects on sexual decision-making
Infidelity represents the most serious violation of trust and usually results in the end of relationships. A common theme across all countries was youth's refusal to learn from past experiences and apply them to future sexual decision-making. Even when trust is broken, youth fail to apply lessons learned to new relationships, repeating the same scenarios of trust, infidelity and exposure to STIs/HIV.
Youth must understand that partners' trustworthiness and character are independent of their risk for STIs/HIV. Although a checklist may help youth select a good partner, unprotected sex with this or any other person must be perceived as risky. Youth must also personalize their risk for STIs/HIV and avoid thinking that only people outside of their community are at risk for infection. It is likely that interpersonal communication campaigns or other community-level activities will help achieve an improved risk perception. Finally, in order to communicate new and appropriate levels of personal risk assessment, programs should strive to achieve broad social support, if not pressure for, consistent condom use, knowledge of one's own HIV status as well as that of all partners, and delay of sexual activity where possible.
This paper is therefore a discussion of the legislative environment under which civil society, in particular organized formations, operate in Africa. It is based on twelve African countries (Angola, DRC, Ethiopia, Liberia, Mauritius, Mozambique, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe). In all these countries we studied civil/state relations, existing NGO laws and NGO policies, including other laws that have an impact on NGOs, national constitutions, processes and the general political economy of the third sector. The merging findings point to some interesting conclusions. More studies are underway in Botswana, Cameroon, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Namibia, Nigeria, Senegal, and Swaziland. The findings from these will be integrated into the current paper. This paper is therefore work in progress -- nevertheless the countries studied already are significant to begin a discourse on state/civil society relations, public spaces, and the general legislative environment for citizens and their formations. One of the emerging findings is that the political context determined the emergence of these legal instruments.
University of Cape Town;
The paper presents research findings on philanthropy of community among low wealth groups in rural and urban Zimbabwe and its relevance for development.
Graduate Centre Humanities and Social Sciences of the Research Academy Leipzig;
This paper reports on a study of human rights and political activism of Zimbabweans in Britain. It aims at analysing the opportunities for, and challenges to, transnational mobilisation and diaspora politics oriented towards the country of origin, Zimbabwe -- a country that has experienced a deterioration of its domestic political and socio-economic situation during the past decade - from the migrants' perspective.