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A spreading Islamic insurgency engulfs the amorphous and ungoverned border between Afghanistan and Pakistan. After initial victories by the United States and the Northern Alliance in autumn 2001, hundreds of Taliban and al Qaeda fighters fled Afghanistan to seek refuge across the border in Pakistan's rugged northwest. Since 2007, the number of ambushes, militant offensives, and targeted assassinations has risen sharply across Afghanistan, while suicide bombers and pro-Taliban insurgents sweep through settled areas of Pakistan at an alarming pace. For better and for worse, Pakistan will remain the fulcrum of U.S. policy in the region -- its leaders continue to provide vital counterterrorism cooperation and have received close to $20 billion in assistance from the United States, yet elements associated with its national intelligence agency, Inter-Services Intelligence, covertly assist militant proxy groups destabilizing the region.
Instead of "surging" into this volatile region, the United States must focus on limiting cross-border movement along the Afghanistan-Pakistan frontier and supporting local Pakistani security forces with a small number of U.S. Special Forces personnel. To improve fighting capabilities and enhance cooperation, Washington and Islamabad must increase the number of Pakistani officers trained through the U.S. Department of Defense International Military Education and Training program. In addition, U.S. aid to Pakistan must be monitored more closely to ensure Pakistan's military does not divert U.S. assistance to the purchase of weapons systems that can be used against its chief rival, India. Most important, U.S. policymakers must stop embracing a single Pakistani leader or backing a single political party, as they unwisely did with Pervez Musharraf and the late Benazir Bhutto.
America's actions are not passively accepted by the majority of Pakistan's population, and officials in Islamabad cannot afford to be perceived as putting America's interests above those of their own people. Because the long-term success of this nuclear-armed Muslim-majority country depends on the public's repudiation of extremism, and our continued presence in Afghanistan is adding more fuel to violent religious radicalism, our mission in the region, as well as our tactics, our objectives, and our interests, must all be reexamined.
Center for Global Development;
Explains the rationale for a clear U.S. strategy for Pakistan's development, ways to improve planning and implementation, and policy recommendations for supporting the private sector through trade and investment and targeting aid for long-term impact.
Global Impact Investing Network (GIIN);
The Global Impact Investing Network (GIIN), in partnership with Dalberg Global Development Advisors, published the full release of The Landscape for Impact Investing in South Asia, a "state of the market" analysis of the impact investing industry in the region. The most comprehensive study of impact investment activity in South Asia to date, the full report includes a chapter for each of the six countries studied -- Bangladesh, India, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka.
The report analyzes an active impact investing market across South Asia. Development finance institutions (DFIs) remain a significant player in the market, having deployed over $8 billion in impact capital to date. However, several other types of investors -- including VC/PE funds, foundations, family offices, and commercial banks -- are becoming increasingly active, and such non-DFI impact investors have deployed over $800 million to date in the region.
Pakistan Centre for Philanthropy;
Corporate Philanthropy in Pakistan 2009, a survey of public listed companies" by the Pakistan Centre for Philanthropy (PCP), investigates the philanthropic giving of public listed companies (PLCs) in Pakistan. It attests to the fact that the business sector is alive to the needs of society. The concept of social responsibility among businessmen in Pakistan is not new; however, recent changes in the global and local environment have led to a rise in expectations from business houses which have impacted positively on the contract between businesses and the society at large.
Center for Civil Society Studies at Johns Hopkins Institute for Policy Studies;
Drawing on the findings of the Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project, this report provides a broad overview of the civil society sector in countries spanning all six inhabited continents and includes just-released data on developing countries in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. The report provides a comparative overview of the civil society sector in 35 countries; analyzes the scope, size, composition, and financing of the sector, including new data on nonprofit employment, volunteering, expenditures, and revenues; examines geographic patterns and characteristics of the nonprofit sector; and presents data in dozens of easy-to-read charts.
International Center for Religion and Diplomacy;
On September 2, 2003 the International Center for Religion & Diplomacy conducted its tenth mission to the Indian side of the Line of Control that included activities in Ladakh and Delhi.
International Center for Religion and Diplomacy;
I visited five women's madrasas, in addition to meeting separately with other male madrasa leaders and briefly sitting in on Hafiz Khalil and Shabbir Ahmed's own 10-day workshop.
The report documents the experiences of the author touring women's madrasas in Pakistan.
Highlights: Pakistan has a very strong anti-corruption legal framework, but practical implementation is a different story, as seen in the weak scores for the anti-corruption agency, law enforcement, and government accountability across all branches of government. Media reporting during the February 2008 elections contained political bias, with women being misled by local television broadcasters to believe they were unable to participate. Pakistan's civil society organizations remain vocal but are not transparent in terms of their funding, which is suspected to come primarily from foreign sources. Despite an increased score for law enforcement accountability from last year's assessment, Pakistan's police force remains "infested with political interference," with bribes a commonplace occurrence.
This peer-reviewed country report includes:
Integrity Indicators Scorecard: Scores, scoring criteria, commentary, references, and peer review perspectives for more than 300 Integrity Indicators.
Reporter's Notebook: An on-the-ground look at corruption and integrity from a leading local journalist.
Corruption Timeline: Ten years of political context to today's corruption and integrity issues.
Country Facts: Statistical context for each country.
World Food Programme (WFP);
This CaseStudy reports that over the years, many aspects of cash and voucher transfers have been analysed and studied, however, there has not been a substantive amount of study specifically devoted to protection and gender implications - both positive and negative - of such programming. In response, in October and November 2011, WFP conducted a literature review of previous studies of cash and voucher transfers to investigate whether cash and voucher transfers were working towards improving protection of, or at minimum doing no further harm to, beneficiaries, as well as what impacts they could have on gender and community dynamics. In addition, WFP headquarters sent a short questionnaire to their field offices to gather their observations on the impacts of cash and voucher transfers on protection and gender within their own programming.
Pakistan Centre for Philanthropy;
With publishing of this report PCP celebrates first decade of successfully documenting corporate giving in Pakistan. Like other reports in the sequel this survey also estimates the volume of philanthropy by the corporate sector and also examines trends and patterns in this activity.
Overseas Development Institute;
Consumption-based poverty in Pakistan fell sharply between 1990 and 2010, according to official poverty data. Nonetheless the mainstream narrative on poverty reduction in the country remains highly contested. Key sources of evidence show improvements that are commensurate with a decrease in poverty, while others raise doubts over this decrease. The policy space in which poverty reduction is debated is also highly polarised, as revealed in the positions of multiple stakeholders involved in policy, research and civil society in Pakistan. An analysis of official poverty data shows how the estimates may be biased -- both owing to technical flaws and to the politics of measurement. As a result, it is surprisingly difficult to reach a definitive conclusion as to whether poverty reduced between 1990 and 2010 and if the stated progress is real. We discuss the implications of the high levels of contestation over official poverty data as well as the need to understand better the types of evidence that the government must produce to defend its policies to alleviate poverty, and for key stakeholders to accept these as credible. We also discuss the steps that the country is taking to depoliticise the measurement and analysis of poverty -- in and of themselves signs of progress.