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Grantmakers for Southern Progress;
There are a growing number of foundations that are committed to addressing the stark inequities prevalent in the South and still others who also view the region as a strategic location to build power to influence Southern state and national politics. These foundations face at least two major challenges: the need to generate new resources for social justice work in the region, especially from donors based in the region; and the need to increase the strategic coordination among the progressive philanthropic actors who are currently investing in the region.
To address these challenges, GSP launched "As the South Goes". OpenSource Leadership Strategies, Inc. carried out a survey of close to 200 social justice organizations in the region and interviews or focus groups with 75 funders. The resulting analysis is summarized in this report.
Major conclusions from our research are these:
There is a great need to increase social justice work in the South to improve social, economic and political outcomes for impoverished and marginalized communities, regionally and nationally.
The barriers that limit funders' support of social justice work in the South can be overcome.
The opportunities for strategic partnerships between and among Southern and national funders on social justice work are abundant, but require deeper listening and relationship building, as well as moving beyond comfort zones regarding strategy and capacity building.
Grantmakers for Southern Progress;
Grantmakers for Southern Progress recently conducted a research study that examined the thinking and motivation behind social justice funding in the South. (See As the South Goes: Philanthropy and Social Justice in the US South) The first question asked of the study sample involved language:
How do Southern and national foundations talk and think about social justice work in the South?
A core assumption going into the research was that language could be a barrier to Southern and national funders developing partnerships. In particular, GSP assumed the term social justice might present a particular challenge. This proved to be the case. The researchers also tested other terms that related to social justice, in search of language that might substitute for "social justice." This short paper aims to provide grantmakers with a better understanding of how the language they use may be received by different funders. GSP hopes that this increased understanding can help facilitate deeper conversations about the broader shared ambitions of all funders of social justice work in the South.
Funders for LGBTQ Issues;
This first report explores the underfunding of LGBTQ communities in the U.S. South in comparison to the rest of the country. It identifies who is funding in the South, and examines the issues and strategies currently being funded.
Political Economy Research Institute;
In the spring of 2001, a diverse group of Americans gathered in Baton Rouge, Louisiana for a three-day environmental conference. These men and women, mostly from low-income neighborhoods and communities of color, traveled from urban housing projects and suburban neighborhoods -- from the bayous of Louisiana, the coalfields of West Virginia, and the deserts of Southern California. They came from abandoned mining towns in Idaho, agrarian regions of the South, and traditional Native American villages in New Mexico. Sadly, many of these Americans were coming to Baton Rouge as witnesses to report stories of corrupt governmental officials trading their communities' rights to clean air, water, and land for corporate payoffs and political favors. The Baton Rouge conference was organized for two reasons. One was to unite these heroines and heroes of modern America -- those who are working to free future generations from the environmental degradation that has cast shadows on their lives. The other was to introduce a new tool into their strategic plans for restoration and prevention -- a concept that could help them reclaim their democratic right to a clean environment and enable them to build economically sustainable and environmentally friendly community infrastructures. This new tool is the natural assets movement, a radical notion that seeks to simultaneously reduce poverty and protect the environment. This new movement is predicated on the notion that poor communities and communities of color have wrongly been blamed for the environmental degradation plaguing their urban or rural settings. Rather than viewing the environment through a human vs. nature lens, natural-asset-buiding strategies regard the problem as human vs. human, and in many cases, as wealthy humans vs. poor humans. Since the rise of industrialization, government officials and corporations have often viewed economically poor communities and communities of color as politically and economically weak and therefore easy prey. For three decades, the environmental justice movement has argued that the disproportionate siting of hazards in communities of color and poor neighborhoods reflects a cold-hearted calculation based on the unlikelihood of effective resistance by residents. Through the lens of natural-assets-building, the potential strength of resistance a community can offer may be measured by the level of assets, or capital, it can use in its defense. Communities with less economic or political power are learning how to strengthen their "social capital" -- their bonds with each other and bridges to others -- by organizing effective strategies in large numbers.
Carsey Institute, The;
This issue brief uses cumulative data from the nationally representative, General Social Survey (1972-2004) (Davis & Smith 2004), to explore how rural Americans differ from their urban and suburban peers on religious involvement and in their attitudes toward politically contested moral issues, namely, abortion and same-sex relations. The data indicate that rural Americans are slightly more religious than their metropolitan neighbors as indicated by weekly church attendance and having had a born-again experience. Rural Americans, however, do not comprise a homogeneous group. There are significant regional differences, with rural Southerners much more likely than their rural counterparts in Eastern, Midwestern, and Western parts of the country to be highly religious. And while rural Americans are more likely to oppose abortion and same-sex relations than their non-rural neighbors, there is also evidence of variation in their attitudes toward these issues. Like Americans as a whole, rural Americans vary their opinion on abortion depending on the specific circumstances. Generation also matters, and this is especially evident in the fact that younger individuals are more tolerant of same-sex relations than their parents and grandparents. It is also noteworthy that religiosity trumps rural/non-rural location when it comes to social conservatism. Highly religious rural and non-rural Americans alike are much more likely to oppose abortion and same-sex relations than their less religious counterparts. Acknowledging and responding to these important nuances in the cultural values of rural Americans may improve the ability of both Democrats and Republicans to develop connections throughout rural America. In sum, it would bea mistake to categorize rural Americans as a single voting bloc. Rural America is diverse, and behavior, attitudes and beliefs vary by region.
Carsey Institute, The;
America's strength flows from the diversity of its people and landscape -- from large metropolitan regions to small cities and rural communities. Some of these areas are thriving while others experience serious economic problems. Many rural areas, in particular, face challenges related to changing economic structure, globalization, and out-migration. In these communities, the federal Food Stamp Program plays a vital role. With only a small outlay from states for administrative costs, it benefits the most vulnerable and needy populations, including significant numbers of rural children, disabled and elderly persons, and low-income working families.
Rural Americans disproportionately rely on the Food Stamp Program to help purchase food for a healthy diet. Based on our analysis of data from the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP), 22 percent of the nation's population lived in nonmetropolitan or "rural" areas in 2001, but a full 31 percent of food stamp beneficiaries lived there. Overall, 7.5 percent of the nation's rural population relied on food stamps, compared with 4.8 percent of urban residents.
Center for the Study of Race and Equity in Education, University of Pennsylvania Graduate School of Education;
This report aims to make transparent the rates at which school discipline practices and policies impact Black students in every K-12 public school district in 13 Southern states: Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and West Virginia.
Annie E. Casey Foundation;
It's tough for a southern kid born at the bottom of the income ladder to get ahead. Overcoming regional economic hardship, long-tolerated racial inequity and subpar education infrastructure is almost impossible. But there is progress. This issue brief examines two key elements connecting southern young adults with rewarding employment opportunities: employer and youth engagement. The brief offers a framework to assess the preconditions for effectively engaging employers and young adults and identifies examples of promising efforts. It also considers what philanthropy can do to reinforce the importance of employer and youth engagement and expand the use of both in the South.
This report is part of a series of 21 state and regional studies examining the rollout of the ACA. The national network ---- with 36 states and 61 researchers ---- is led by the Rockefeller Institute of Government, the public policy research arm of the State University of New York, the Brookings Institution, and the Fels Institute of Government at the University of Pennsylvania.
The South is often been portrayed as being resistant to "Obamacare." It is from many of these states that legal challenges were filed against the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) after its enactment. Rather than operate their own exchanges, many southern states have defaulted to the federal health insurance exchange. Most have refused or deferred on Medicaid expansion. Some states have employed obstructionist tactics to complicate enrollment assistance provided by navigators and others. What accounts for this posture? Electoral politics and ideological differences among the parties certainly play roles. But as our preliminary research indicates, there are other factors as well that reflect ambivalence, caution, and uncertainty about state administrative and fiscal capacity, health demographics, and market conditions.
Through the review of nine state-level field reports conducted under the auspices of the Managing Health Reform research network and through analysis of other relevant literature and data, this report concentrates on the intensity and sources of opposition within the southern states towards the ACA.
Journal of African American Males in Education;
This study investigated the mathematics and racial identities of Black 5th through 7th grade boys who attended school in a southern rural school division and found four factors that positively contributed to mathematics identity. For these boys, racial identity in school was connected to perceptions of others' school engagement; this sense of "otherness" led to a redefinition of their own mathematics and racial identities.
Southern Regional Education Board;
Draws on survey data from a sample of experienced principal mentors who have guided interns in university-based principal preparation programs, and describes the present condition of mentoring for aspiring school leaders.
Environmental Defense Fund;
Established in 2009, the United States Mid-Atlantic Golden Tilefish Individual Fishing Quota (IFQ) Program is a catch share program that has minimized the complexity of fishery management to create a usable, efficient system for fishermen and fishery managers. The program was implemented following the innovative self-organization of some fishery participants into an IFQ-like cooperative, which demonstrated the potential benefits of an IFQ. The goals of the IFQ program were focused on rebuilding the tilefish stock through overcapacity reduction and elimination of problems associated with derby-style fishing. Key design features include a discard prohibition and incidental tilefish catch limit for non-IFQ vessels to ensure all sources of tilefish fishing mortality are accounted for.